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Israelis huddled in secure rooms last Saturday, listening to sirens and explosions amid Iran’s unprecedented air attack. However, Israel’s high-tech air defenses and help from its allies destroyed almost all of Iran’s approximately 300 drones and missiles; there were no deaths. On the other hand, two days earlier, in Ukraine, Russian aerial bombardments had succeeded in destroying the largest power plant in kyiv and damaging apartment buildings. President Volodymyr Zelensky took advantage of this disparity to argue for strengthening the air defenses of kyiv’s allies. Western leaders should quickly grant his wish – even if it leaves their own stocks below perceived minimum levels for a while.
Comparisons with Israel are inaccurate. Iran telegraphed its one-off assault in advance and launched its drones 1,500 km away, giving Israel and its allies time to prepare. Russia stealthily and repeatedly strikes targets in Ukraine, in some cases not far from the border. Furthermore, while NATO has strived from the start to avoid direct conflict with nuclear-armed Moscow, it is unrealistic to expect US or British air forces to shoot down rockets Russians over Ukraine as they did with Iranian missiles aimed at Israel. But that is not what Zelensky is asking for.
What the Ukrainian president is asking for is more air defense systems and interceptors from Western allies that he can operate on his territory. While Ukraine intercepted almost all Russian drones and missiles late last year, its defenses are dangerously depleted.
Meanwhile, Russia has increased attacks on critical industries and infrastructure. It is raining missiles on cities like Chernihiv, where at least 18 people were killed on Wednesday, and Kharkiv, which it seems to want to flatten in the hope of reoccupying it. Moscow also uses powerful glide bombs – Soviet-era munitions with wings and guidance systems – capable of punching holes in Ukraine’s defenses. They are difficult to stop except by shooting down the planes carrying them, using advanced air defense systems.
Ending the unacceptable six-month delay in a $60 billion U.S. aid package — which Congress will vote on again Saturday — would unlock vital supplies, including interceptors for U.S.-made Patriot systems. But there are many things that Europeans and other allies could and should do themselves. Dmytro Kuleba, Ukraine’s foreign minister, said his team had identified more than 100 Patriot batteries available in allied countries. He is working to get seven as quickly as possible – although 26 would be needed to create a total air shield over the country.
There has been some progress. Germany announced over the weekend that it would provide Ukraine with a third Patriot system, after previously refusing to do so. Berlin has now launched a “global initiative” to address gaps in Ukraine’s air defense, writing to dozens of countries, including Gulf Arab states, to advocate for more systems. Even if third countries are not willing to supply Ukraine directly, they could replace the systems and interceptors provided by European states.
However, time is running out. Ukraine is paying the price for a drip-feed of Western weapons that allowed it to survive, but not to prevail. If a year ago the question was whether a Ukrainian counteroffensive could begin to drive troops out of Moscow, today the question is whether the Ukrainian army will be able to resist the resurgent Russian forces.
Western allies must provide everything they can today and worry about replacing it tomorrow. Or as NATO chief Jens Stoltenberg put it: “If allies are faced with a choice between meeting NATO’s capability goals and providing more aid to Ukraine. . . Send more to Ukraine. Faced with the threat from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, Ukraine’s security has become inseparable from that of Europe as a whole.