WITH its palm-fringed beaches, ribbon of coastal towns, inland vineyards and year-round sunshine, the South of France in some ways resembles Southern California. French-style. The Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur (PACA) region has nearly 200,000 students and a technological center in Sophia Antipolis, near Nice. Dependent on the car, it claims outside Marseille one of the biggest cases of urban commercial sprawl in France. Cosmetic surgeons are numerous. Superyachts fill marinas. The region even gives way every year to Hollywood in Cannes, as well as to its stars, who favor the multi-million euro castles in the neighborhood.
Politically, however, the south of France could hardly be more different from liberal California. It’s not exactly a destination for young people looking for an alternative life or a counter-culture. With a few exceptions, notably Marseille, almost all of the coastal and interior fringe leans to the right, or to the hard right. Most small towns and villages, as well as seven of the ten largest cities, including Nice, Cannes and Aix-en-Provence, are ruled by center-right mayors. The tenth, Fréjus, is held by the far-right National Rally of Marine Le Pen (the RN, formerly the National Front). In the first round of the 2017 presidential election, PACA was the only region in metropolitan France to place Emmanuel Macron behind both Ms. Le Pen and François Fillon, the center-right Republican candidate.
This right-wing trend has specific historical roots. When Algeria gained independence from France in 1962, nearly 700,000 black feet (French settlers) got off the ship in Marseille and other southern ports, furious with Charles de Gaulle for ceding the territory. At the same time, immigrants from the Maghreb, recruited to work on construction sites or in factories, are starting to settle in the region. Xenophobic nationalism was a powerful force used by Jean-Marie Le Pen, the founder of the National Front, to gain support. He obtained his first highest scores in PACA, scoring 19% in the European Parliament elections in 1984. Ten years later, the first three town halls of the party, Toulon, Orange and Marignane, are all in the region.
Over time, explains Vincent Martigny, a political scientist at the University of Nice, this has “oriented the dominant right in the region towards a harsher position than elsewhere in France”. Both the right and the far right have put immigration and security at the forefront. Politicians regularly attack illegal migrants and the leaky border with Italy. Indeed, Ms. Le Pen recruited Thierry Mariani, a former republican deputy from the center-right of Provence, as a candidate in PACA in the regional elections in June. He lost in a second round against the Republicans.
A second reason for the right-wing vote is demographic. The southern climate, gentle on the joints, has long attracted retirees. There are proportionally more than 65 years in the region than in the whole of France, as well frequented balls games in many villages bear witness to this. The EHPAD ratio in PACA is double the national average. Les Senioriales, a secure residence of bungalows for “seniors”, set among olive trees in the village of Les Mées, offers a swimming pool and cardio-training for what the industry calls grandpa boomers. Those over 65 vote more and tend to favor the right.
Another factor, argues Christèle Lagier, political scientist at the University of Avignon, is inequality. After Paris, the region has the largest income gap in the country between the richest 10% and the poorest. High real estate prices, even inland, prevent people from finding housing. The decline in industrial employment, which once organized workers into unions, and the rise in jobs in services such as nursing homes and supermarkets, believes Philippe Aldrin, political scientist at Sciences Po-Aix, have loosened ties with left parties. . The RN can thrive primarily on anti-immigrant sentiment in the south and industrial decline in the north. However, in PACA too, it attracts voters who believe that the traditional parties have let them down. “The voters of the RN are not a constant stock”, specifies Ms. Lagier: “There are many voters here who hesitate between the Republicans and the RN.
This hesitation is summed up by Brignoles, a small town stretching out in the middle of the Mediterranean pine forest between the motorway and the coast. With its narrow medieval streets and terracotta-tiled roofs, its Provencal air is partly of the faded variety. The last nearby bauxite mine, once a local employment provider, closed in 1989. On the main street, “For Sale” signs are stuck to a barricaded hairdresser, a shoe store and bakery. Low-cost supermarkets can be found along its ring road. The city’s population of immigrant origin is mainly found in low-income housing on the outskirts.
However, at the same time, in the shade of the hundred-year-old plane trees and next to a fountain, the terraces of the cafes in the main square come alive. Newly pedestrianized streets have been cleaned up and softer street lighting has been installed. The city is hosting a jazz festival this summer and yoga classes in a public park. It is even said that George Clooney bought a castle nearby.
Historically, Brignoles voted left, electing a Communist mayor in 2008. Eight years ago, he made national headlines when the National Front won a local by-election there, raising the specter of a shift to the extreme right. However, in the municipal elections last year, Brignoles challenged the image that has remained attached to him since and supported Didier Brémond, the outgoing center-right mayor, with 79% of the vote. The RN didn’t even put forward a candidate.
Catherine Delzers, the center-right candidate who lost in Brignoles to the National Front in 2013, attributes this triumph to the fact that the mayor “listens to the people”. The mayor himself is generous with the motivations of his fellow citizens, arguing that the far-right vote in the past was one of “Fed up (fatigue) ”rather than a true extremist feeling. Continuing to improve the life of the city, explains Mr. Brémond, a local businessman, proved to be the best way to retaliate: “Brignoles had lost ground; today we are bringing it back to life.
Like Brignoles, other regional towns have also evolved, but in different ways. The south of France isn’t just filled with aging preservatives who drink pastis. Aix-en-Provence, which has a lot of students, has a certain embryonic tech scene. Marseille, a daring multicultural city, has recently attracted a young and artistic population fleeing the high rents in Paris and elsewhere. Last year, a Green Left candidate replaced his longtime Republican mayor. Yes telework (work from home) survives, it could also attract young sun seekers and perhaps help change regional policy. Until then, lifestyles in the south of France may seem Californian, but the politics of the region will remain closer to that of Florida, which is just as sunny and rich in retirees.
