In 1960, in the midst of the Cold War, Charles de Gaulle gave a speech to the American Congress which earned him a standing ovation. “Nothing matters more to France,” the general said, “than the wisdom, resolve, and friendship of the great people of the United States.”
On November 29, the current French President, Emmanuel Macron, arrives in America for his own state visit and will no doubt echo de Gaulle’s warm words. France and America, with their common revolutionary history, like to say that they are each other’s oldest ally. They also share decades of thorny relationships they have to navigate amid war in Ukraine and wider geopolitical change.
For Mr. Macron, the trip is an unusual favor. This is the first full state visit hosted by President Joe Biden. His guest will become the only French president under the Fifth Republic, founded by de Gaulle in 1958, to have been entitled to two state visits to America (Mr. Macron made his first in 2018, when Donald Trump was his host).
Barely a year ago, France was in shock at the inauguration of aukus, a military technology-sharing deal between America, Britain and Australia that torpedoed an existing French submarine contract and undermined France’s Indo-Pacific strategy. The fact that Mr. Macron is being honored with a four-day visit, complete with a state banquet at the White House, is a measure of America’s hard work to patch up relations. US officials speak of “exceptional cooperation” on all major geopolitical issues. “It’s a celebration of the fact that this relationship is on such solid footing,” one says.
America’s priority is to keep Europe united over Ukraine. Now that Ukraine has pushed Russian forces out of Kherson, allies will want to calibrate their assistance to help Ukraine gain ground, avoid escalation with Russia, and discuss future diplomacy to end at war.
Equally important, America wants European support in its efforts to constrain China in the Indo-Pacific region, not least because France has territory in the Indian and Pacific oceans. “If you are going to deal with Russia and China at the same time as adversaries, you need Europe in general and France in particular. You need strategic clarity from France,” says Daniel Fried of the Atlantic Council in Washington.
Britain may be strategically closer to America and Germany stronger economically. But after Brexit, France is the EUis the military heavyweight. For some, Mr. Macron is the “dean” of the allies. France can be a stubborn partner, one that cherishes its independence and irritates its allies. Yet his global reach and expeditionary military culture make him a useful interlocutor.
Many Americans remain wary of Mr. Macron’s independent diplomacy. “This administration wants a more ambitious Europe,” says Charles Kupchan of the Council on Foreign Relations. “But Macron tends to exaggerate and act in a way that makes it difficult for him to forge consensus in Europe.” Yet positions on Russia have converged. A November 9 French national strategic review made no reference to Mr Macron’s pre-war ambitions to integrate Russia into a new European security architecture. He toughened his tone and sent more weapons to Ukraine. Disagreements between allies, and with Ukraine, could well emerge over how far Ukraine should continue to fight, including whether it should aim to reclaim Crimea, which it lost in 2014. But for now , these matters are postponed.
Indeed, Mr. Biden finds Mr. Macron’s periodic contacts with Mr. Putin helpful. He shares the concern that a rout of the Russian army could lead to a nuclear escalation. That said, Mr. Biden may look less favorably on Mr. Macron’s idea that China could “play a mediating role” in Ukraine. The Elysee says that means helping to exert international pressure on Xi Jinping, the Chinese leader, to tell his Russian friends to stop the war. The Biden administration hopes that France will not want to let Mr. Xi play the role of peacemaker in Europe.
The thorniest issues during the trip will be commercial, starting with vast US subsidies for clean energy and semiconductors. European allies fear for their own industries, already battered by soaring energy prices. The French may be happy that America sends gas to Europe, but not the prices it pays for it. Finding a common language on such issues will be challenging even for older friends. ■